High in the Tuscan hills, a light grilling is underway. “Sexually, probably, I could be faithful,” seventy-two-year-old Spark is in the middle of explaining, “though that’s not the point.” It is 1990, and Spark, sitting neatly in an armchair in Read original article: Read More
What’s in a Book’s Name? One Writer’s Journey to Finding the Perfect Title
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Trump is ‘lustily booed’ in New York City attending NBA Finals
Donald Trump was roundly booed in New York City outside of Madison Square Garden on his way to attend Game 3 of the NBA Finals between the New York Knicks and the San Antonio Spurs. Trump was booed again once he was spotted inside the venue. Rachel Maddow shares footage of the booing and remarks on the way Trump has arranged to benefit financially from his other sports preoccupation, a UFC fight on the White House grounds.
Rachel Maddow outlines Donald Trump’s desperation tactics to delegitimize elections in California, trying to convince his followers that a grand conspiracy is responsible for his electoral failures in that state and not the clear, obvious explanation that California just has more Democratic voters.
Jacob Soboroff, host of Connect on MS NOW, reports live from the L.A. County Ballot Processing Center to show exactly how the California voting process works, contrary to the misinformation of Donald Trump and his supporting media.
Rachel Maddow lists example after example of people or organizations giving large sums of money to Donald Trump’s interests and subsequently receiving some favorable treatment from Trump. The UFC fight on the White House lawn stands out as one of the more egregious examples, with Trump essentially giving himself a birthday present from the American people. Brendan Ballou, founder of the Public Integrity Project, talks with Rachel about his lawsuit to stop Trump’s UFC event.
Rep. Joyce Beatty talks with Rachel Maddow about her role in defending the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts from Donald Trump’s destructive force.
Want more of Rachel? Check out the “Rachel Maddow Presents” feed to listen to all of her chart-topping original podcasts.To listen to all of your favorite MS podcasts without ads, sign up for MS NOW Premium on Apple Podcasts. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising. Read original article: Read More
Used to be an avid reader? How to get back into books
In this distracted age, settling in and actually focusing on a book can feel like a challenge. But retraining your reading muscles is doable. In this episode, tips from writers, readers and researchers to help you accomplish your summer reading goals.
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Scoop: State Dept. accuses top U.S. foes of weaponized antisemitism – Axios
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Report: House Votes to Take Over Librarian of Congress Appointment Power
From Roll Call:
House lawmakers passed a bill Monday aimed at preventing future executive branch interference in some legislative branch agencies, a year after President Donald Trump fired the librarian of Congress.
It would allow House and Senate leaders to appoint the heads of both the Library of Congress and the Government Publishing Office, removing that power from the president.
But the president would get new appointment authority over another role, the register of copyrights. Historically part of the Library of Congress, the Copyright Office has long drawn debate over its proper place.
The bill was passed by a voice vote. Now it heads to the Senate, where it would need enough bipartisan support to overcome a filibuster.
Learn More, Read the Complete Aricle
See Also: Statement From Public Knowledge: Public Knowledge Condemns Trump Power Grab for Copyright Office
The post Report: House Votes to Take Over Librarian of Congress Appointment Power appeared first on Library Journal infoDOCKET.
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ALSC Intellectual Freedom Committee: Year in Review
Every committee chair has heard it: “It’s really not that much work!” This is the phrase we’re told when an outgoing chairperson is recruiting new committee leadership. Every incoming chairperson knows it’s a lie, but we tell ourselves it’s true when we say yes. This was certainly the case when my co-chair, Julia Nephew, and I agreed to take on the ALSC Intellectual Freedom Committee, but we didn’t anticipate the roller coaster of a year the committee would have! We started the year with a few basic goals- submit a program idea for the ALA Conference, write relevant posts for the ALSC blog that would highlight the importance of intellectual freedom for library staff serving children, and come up with a special project to benefit ALSC members. As a side note, the committee submitted a successful proposal for the ALA conference, and we invite you to join us on Sunday, June 28 at 9:00 for a session on Toxic Exclusion: Banned Authors Share How to Support…
The post ALSC Intellectual Freedom Committee: Year in Review appeared first on ALSC Blog. Read original article: Read More
Trump Fuels False Election Claims as California Counts Ballots
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The Source with Kaitlan Collins
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Encircling the Royalists – The American Prospect
Encircling the Royalists
Democrats finally show up to the class war.
by Harold Meyerson June 8, 2026
This article appears in the June 2026 issue of The American Prospect magazine. If you’d like to receive our next issue in your mailbox, please subscribe here.
In its more than two centuries of existence, the Democratic Party has, from time to time, demonstrated that it knows how to do politics. This may be one of those moments.
As historian Michael Kazin has demonstrated in his party history, What It Took to Win, Democratic successes have mainly resulted from advocacy for the economic interests of the working and middle classes, and against opponents who champion the interests of the rich. When Democrats fail, it’s often because they’re reluctant, or simply opposed, to advocate against the domination of big money, which also weakens their standing as working-class champions.
The most politically successful Democrat in history is surely Franklin Roosevelt, who led the Democrats to an unequaled victory in 1936. Since taking office in 1933, Roosevelt had put millions of unemployed Americans to work on public works projects and signed into law both Social Security and the National Labor Relations Act, which created workers’ right to collective bargaining.
Those achievements spawned a furious counterreaction from some of the nation’s wealthiest, most particularly the du Pont family, who held controlling interest in the nation’s largest corporation, General Motors. The du Ponts and their allies created the American Liberty League, drawing into their ranks some business leaders who’d figured prominently in the pre-Roosevelt, largely laissez-faire Democratic Party, and mounting an anti–New Deal propaganda barrage that dwarfed in magnitude and intensity anything that the official Republican Party put on display.
Roosevelt clearly understood that the Liberty Leaguers were a perfect foil. Business leaders in general were at an all-time nadir in public esteem, with Wall Street’s unregulated speculation having caused the 1929 crash, with corporate chiefs’ massive layoffs having caused record unemployment, and with the Liberty League having attacked the administration’s most popular programs. In a speech accepting his nomination at the Democrats’ 1936 convention, Roosevelt went after their attacks on democracy. “These economic royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America,” he said. “What they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power.”
In his final pre-election speech that year, to a thunderous crowd in Madison Square Garden, Roosevelt doubled down. “We know now that government by organized money is just as dangerous as government by organized mob,” he told those in the arena and listeners to the national radio broadcast. “Never before in all our history have these forces been so united against one candidate as they stand today. They are unanimous in their hate for me—and I welcome their hatred! I should like to have it said of my first administration that in it, the forces of selfishness and of lust for power met their match.”
A number of media commentators responded that Roosevelt had gone too far and that his remarks would endanger his re-election. Some Democrats implored FDR to walk them back. He did nothing of the sort. And three days later, Americans gave Roosevelt and the Democrats the greatest electoral majority that any political party has ever won. The president took more than 60 percent of the popular vote even as total voter turnout soared, carrying every state but Maine and Vermont; the Democrats’ supermajority in the House rose to 334 (out of 435) and 75 (out of 96) in the Senate.
The triumphs of the New Deal order, while partial, were long-lived. Social Security and its Great Society complement, Medicare, greatly reduced pervasive poverty among the elderly; widespread unionization created a more economically stable working class than ever before; progressive taxation and financial regulation thwarted the emergence of a new generation of oligarchs. By the end of the 1970s, however, the era of broadly shared prosperity began to unravel. Taxes became decidedly less progressive, corporations’ war on unions went unchecked, and finance recaptured the control of corporate behavior that it had previously enjoyed.
WHEN THE NEW DEAL ORDER still was in place, Democrats had understandably turned their attention to those who’d been excluded from its benefits and rights, chiefly Black Americans but also other racial minorities and women. The kind of economic inequality that had defined pre–New Deal America had substantially abated. The tax structure had stood athwart the creation of the kind of billionaires and robber barons who’d loomed over the nation in the early 20th century. But for the occasional oilman, it’s hard to find many billionaires during the high-tax, high-unionization years of the 1950s, ’60s, and ’70s.
It’s taken an unconscionably long time, however, for the Democrats to truly reckon with the post-1980 changes to the American economy. Part of their failure was intellectual, an inability to see what was actually happening to their country. More precisely, most refused to look at the evidence of that change: The Economic Policy Institute’s famous chart of the growing gap, first emerging in the late 1970s, between increases in productivity and in median wages was published in 1994, but had little to no effect on the economic policies of either the Clinton or Obama presidencies.
Abetting this malpractice was the financial support those presidents and many other mainstream Democrats received from Wall Street and Silicon Valley interests. The Clinton administration enacted trade deals and financial deregulation promoted chiefly by banks and financialized corporations; Obama injected capital into banks but failed to save millions of homeowners in the wake of the 2008 crash, and declined to prosecute any of the miscreant bankers responsible for that crash.
Noting the steeply rising economic inequality in the 1990s while covering the recomposition of California’s workforce for the L.A. Weekly, I referenced FDR’s words while writing of Clinton: “Is there anyone whose hatred he welcomes?” But by that metric in particular, Clinton and Obama were clearly reflective of the party’s mainstream: unwilling and unable to stay some of the more predatory practices of American capitalism, and even more unwilling and unable to identify and attack particular predators.
At long last, this has begun to turn around. Just as the New Deal reforms were partially derived from more aggressive Socialist Party platforms of the preceding two decades, so the Democrats’ current attacks on oligarchy began on the party’s left fringe with democratic socialist Bernie Sanders, and were then amplified by fellow socialists Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Zohran Mamdani, as well as progressive Elizabeth Warren.
This April, such perspectives finally assumed fuller form. Within a few days of each other, both the Working Families Party (WFP), which functions as a social democratic group within the Democratic Party, and the Congressional Progressive Caucus (CPC) unveiled progressive populist agendas for the upcoming midterm elections. The agendas are poll-tested; Data for Progress’s poll of the 11 proposals on the CPC’s list shows majority support even among Republicans for all 11.
Using the affordability crisis as a jumping-off point, the recommended policies not only call for innovations in economic policy but also explicitly target the current crop of economic royalists responsible for the mess. As CPC chair Greg Casar (D-TX) told my colleague David Dayen, “Trump villainized immigrants, Trump villainized the LGBT community. If Democrats want to fight back against that scapegoating, we need to take on the real villains taking your money.”
Indeed, each of the CPC proposals comes complete with two sets of villains: corporations that drain consumers, and the Republicans from Trump on down who protect them. One proposal calls for the public manufacture and sale of drugs like insulin, naloxone (which arrests the effects of opioid overdoses), and asthma-preventing inhalers at greatly reduced prices. Other proposals would impose a windfall profits tax on oil companies, eliminate Big Ag’s patent power over seeds (enabling farmers to simply replant seeds on their own), ban “surveillance pricing” (the ability of retailers to target prices to individuals based on their online personal data), and enable federal regulators to have expanded power to prevent utilities’ exploitation of consumers due to their monopoly status.
With or without the CPC’s version of a Contract with America, many Democratic candidates are already highlighting these kinds of economic issues, from Graham Platner in Maine to James Talarico in Texas. One key difference between the CPC agenda and the WFP’s is that the latter is specific about the tax increases the wealthy would have to pay to finance some of the proposals common to both groups’ lists. Obviously, to finance such proposals as providing $20,000 for down payments for first-time homebuyers, tax increases on the rich—such as what Mamdani has proposed in New York City—would be required.
FORTUNATELY FOR DEMOCRATS, the very rich have been hard at work convincing the public to hate their guts. Where Steve Jobs was once hailed as an innovator providing smartphones to the world, with a personal profile that tended more toward asceticism than conspicuous consumption, the current crop of Silicon Valley billionaires are not only ostentatious in their spending but overtly hostile to employee rights, consumer interests, democratic forms of government, racial egalitarianism, and, at least in the case of Elon Musk, normal life. Through their indifference to the effects of social media on children (and the rest of us), and their huge investments in AI and the data centers required to power it, they’ve become the promoters of the most widely feared 21st-century phenomena. Not since John D. Rockefeller, Jay Gould, Cornelius Vanderbilt, and Henry Clay Frick have we had such a crop of oligarchs. That the Musks and the Bezoses, the Zuckerbergs and the Brins, the Thiels and the Andreessens have turned themselves into the financial base of Trumpism—both the man and his madness—has likely created a reciprocal downward pull on the approval rating of both Trump and themselves.
Democrats should be climbing over each other to welcome their hatred.
There are still limits, unfortunately, to most Democrats’ willingness to seriously take on the very rich. The governors of the two largest blue states—California’s Gavin Newsom and New York’s Kathy Hochul—oppose wealth taxes. As I write this, only one of the six main Democrats running to succeed Newsom supports the one-time wealth tax placed on the November ballot in California to prevent a collapse in state services. That Democrat is Tom Steyer, who, as a billionaire himself, likely gains from the perception that he’s willing to pay higher taxes, just as Roosevelt gained from the perception that he was a traitor to his class.
Continue/Read Original Article: Encircling the Royalists – The American Prospect
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Letters from an American – June 7, 2026 -Heather Cox Richardson
Letters from an American – June 7, 2026
By Heather Cox Richardson, Jun 07, 2026
Meet the Press today aired an interview host Kristen Welker taped Friday with President Donald J. Trump. It showed Trump losing control and walking out of the interview when Welker challenged his insistence that the 2020 presidential election and the recent California election were rigged.
Weirdly, he kept referring to the U.S. as “your” country when he was speaking to Welker, and to “your” elections. It was almost as if he was a foreign observer offering criticism of the U.S.
As Welker repeatedly pointed out that he has never produced any evidence for his assertions, he got madder and madder, calling the media—NBC, ABC, CBS, CNN—one-sided and crooked. He insisted “there’s more evidence than ever presented.” When she asked again if he had evidence, he said: “All I have to do is look.” When she continued to ask for evidence, he said: “You’re either crooked or you’re stupid.”
Finally, he got up, pulled off his mic, and left, telling her: “Let’s call it quits because I’ve had enough. Thank you darling. Have a good time.”
One of the things Trump spat at Welker was that “[a] country can never be great with a dishonest press.” With this statement directed at the legacy media, once again, Trump illustrated that he was accusing his opponents of what he, himself, is doing, a classic authoritarian technique to muddy the waters so people stop trying to figure out what is real and cease to believe anything.
Scott Pelley, who was fired last week from 60 Minutes after thirty-seven years as a CBS correspondent, spoke with Lulu Garcia-Navarro of the New York Times in an interview that appeared today. Pelley explained that CBS News director Bari Weiss, appointed after Trump loyalist David Ellison took over the network, asked for changes to a story about the anti-ICE and Border Patrol protests in Minneapolis over the winter.
Hours before airing, he explained, after the story had been approved, Weiss sent an email to Pelley’s boss asking them to make the protesters look more violent and to say that before an officer shot her, Renee Good was driving toward him.
But she wasn’t. Pelley continued: “On the video, you see the officer standing slightly off the front of the car. And you clearly see Ms. Good’s wheels turned completely as far as they will go, away from the officer. But he shoots her in the head, kills her, and says something about her that I can’t repeat in polite company.
“We have gone out of our way in our plan from the very beginning to show the protesters for the responsibility that they had. We had already scrubbed the video archives, looking for those scenes. Somehow that wasn’t enough for Ms. Weiss. The video showed that the officer wasn’t standing in front of the car and she wasn’t driving toward him, but that’s what the president said about that, and that’s the way she wanted it described.”
Pelley said: “There was a thumb on the scale for the president’s version of events that I felt was a level of political influence that I had never seen in 37 years at CBS News.”
In her interview, Welker challenged Trump over more than his election denial. He didn’t appear to like questions about the economy or his war on Iran, either.
Continue/Read Original Article: https://heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/p/june-7-2026
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Lit Hub Daily: June 8, 2026
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Congressional Republicans Try a New Approach: Telling Trump No
From the war in Iran to his plan to use taxpayer money to pay his allies, the Republican-controlled Congress has begun rebelling against President Trump.
Today, Julie Hirschfeld Davis, a congressional editor at The New York Times, discusses whether this rebellion is a preview of a new dynamic in Washington, or a temporary show of independence that will vanish just as quickly as it arrived.
Guest: Julie Hirschfield Davis, congressional editor at The New York Times.
Background reading: Mr. Trump says he never promised no new wars and defends the compensation fund.
Photo: Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times
For more information on today’s episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily. Transcripts of each episode will be made available by the next workday.
Subscribe today at nytimes.com/podcasts or on Apple Podcasts and Spotify. You can also subscribe via your favorite podcast app here https://www.nytimes.com/activate-access/audio?source=podcatcher. For more podcasts and narrated articles, download The New York Times app at nytimes.com/app. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising. Read original article: Read More
How to have a safe, healthy summer
Tips to help you thrive this season. We’ve got tips on how to effectively apply mosquito repellent (you need more than you think!), prevent tick bites, the safest place to position your grill, and keep everyone safe while swimming. Plus, advice on making a crave-worthy salad.
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Silent Springs, Windswept Seas: On the Environmental Vision of Rachel Carson
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